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The Significance of the Najaf Bomb & Killing of the Ayatollah

Discussion in 'BBS Hangout: Debate & Discussion' started by glynch, Sep 1, 2003.

  1. glynch

    glynch Member

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    Killing of Ayatollah Is Start of Iraqi Civil War
    Commentary, William O. Beeman,
    Pacific News Service, Aug 29, 2003
    The bombing of one of Islam's holiest shrines not only killed an important Shi'a leader, it also signals the first shot in an Iraqi civil war that Middle East experts warned would ensue if Saddam were removed without careful planning.

    The assassination of Ayatollah Mohammad Baqir al-Hakim in Najaf on August 28 is the opening volley in the coming Iraqi Civil War. The United States will reap the whirlwind.

    One of the most consistent and ominous prewar warnings to the Bush administration by Middle East experts was that removal of Saddam Hussein without the most careful political and social engineering would result in the breaking apart of Iraq into warring factions that would battle each other for decades.

    The hawks in the White House would not listen. They were so wedded to the fantasy scenario that the removal of Saddam in an act of "creative destruction" would result in the automatic emergence of democracy. They brushed aside all warnings.

    Present-day Iraq was three provinces of the Ottoman Empire before World War I. It was cobbled together by the British for their own convenience after that conflict. The British installed a king, the Saudi Arabian son of the chief religious official of Mecca (Faisal, of Lawrence of Arabia Fame) and glued the whole mess together with the resident British Army.

    The three regions were incompatible in ethnicity, religious confession and interests. The Sunni Muslim Kurds occupied the north. The Sunni Arab Bedouins occupied the center and Southwest. The Shi'a Arab and Persian population occupied the South and Southeast. Of the three groups, the Shi'a were largest, with 60 percent of the population. With oil, an outlet to the Persian Gulf and good agricultural land, they would be the natural dominant force in the state the British created. The Kurds would be important, too, because they lived in the region of the country with the largest oil reserves.

    However, the British wanted the Sunni Arabs, the smallest faction of the population, to be dominant. They wanted this both to reward Saudi Arabians for helping them fight the Ottomans, and because they had existing clients in the sheikhs who ruled the Arab states of the Gulf.

    When the British were finally expelled, and their Saudi ruling family deposed in Iraq in a 1958 nationalist coup, the new Ba'athist Iraqi nationalist rulers had a supremely unruly nation on their hand. The only way to keep power in Sunni Arab hands, and away from the Shi'ites was through ruthless dictatorship and oppression. Saddam Hussein was the supreme master of this political strategy.

    Ayatollah al-Hakim's family was victimized by this oppression. Virtually every one of the Ayatollah's male relatives was executed by Saddam's regime. He fled to Iran for years of exile, returning only after Saddam was deposed by the United States. He became one of the principal leaders of the Shi'a community, and a symbol of rising Shi'a power in post-War Iraq. His triumphant return to Iraq and the holy city of Najaf was one of the most celebrated events in recent Iraqi history.

    It is still not known who set off the explosion that killed him at the shrine of Ali, cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Mohammad. It could have been Sunni Arab factions who fear the rise of Shi'a dominance in Iraq, or it could have been his own Shi'a supporters, disappointed with him for cooperating with American policies in Iraq. Or it could have been someone else. What is clear is that his death will now forever be a rallying cry for the Shi'ite community against its enemies.

    It is notable that in Shi'ism virtually all significant leaders have been "martyred." Of the 12 historical Imams of the Ithna 'ashara branch of Shi'ism dominant in Iraq and Iran (Ithna 'ashara means "twelve" in Arabic), ten are buried in shrines in Iraq. Their tombs are ever-present reminders of the oppression and struggle of the Shi'a. Now Ayatollah al-Hakim will join them, and with the power of a saint, will inspire generations of grimly dedicated young warriors, determined to wreak vengeance and assert the power of their community. They will be led by his own paramilitary group, the Badr brigade.

    Shi'a fury will be directed at the Sunnis to the north. It will also be directed toward United States as the occupying force who both did nothing to prevent this tragedy, and further continued the British doctrine of Sunni favoritism by insisting that the Shi'a religious leaders would never be allowed to come to power. In any case, the forces of retribution are about to be unleashed in a manner hitherto unseen in the region.

    Could the United States have done anything to have prevented this tragedy? Of course it could have. As the occupying power U.S. officials knew acutely about the danger to Ayatollah al-Hakim. Since Washington opposed the rise of Shi'a power in Iraq, charges of American indifference or even complicity in his death will soon be flying.

    The final question Washington must now face is how to stop this inevitable civil war? When the factional shooting starts, where does the U.S. army, caught in the crossfire, aim its own guns?

    William O. Beeman, Director of Middle East Studies at Brown University. He is author of the forthcoming book, Iraq: State in Search of a Nation.

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  2. rimrocker

    rimrocker Member

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    Former Navy secretary blasts Bush on Iraq
    By DENNIS O'BRIEN, The Virginian-Pilot
    © August 30, 2003
    Last updated: 9:14 PM

    NORFOLK -- Former Navy Secretary James Webb blasted the Bush administration's policy on Iraq, saying it was sold to the American people on false premises.

    ``I am very troubled by the fact that we went into Iraq and very troubled about how we're going to get out of Iraq,'' Webb said Thursday to about 200 naval officers, veterans and civilians at the Radisson Hotel Norfolk. The lecture was sponsored by the Hampton Roads Naval Museum and the Naval War College Foundation.

    The United States should quickly get the United Nations involved in administering and patrolling the country, he said.

    ``We need to get out of there before the mistake we made gets worse,'' said Webb, a Marine Corps veteran.

    The Bush administration this week began making efforts toward getting a U.N. force on the ground in Iraq, but a sticking point at the United Nations has been the administration's insistence on a U.S. commander for U.N. troops.

    Webb said the troops in Iraq are facing combat experiences similar to those he saw as a platoon leader and company commander in Vietnam, where he was awarded a Navy Cross, a Silver Star and two Bronze Stars for heroism, and two Purple Hearts for wounds.

    Webb, who resigned as Navy secretary in 1988 to protest cuts in the size of the fleet, said military leaders have an obligation to their troops.

    Bob Briner, a retired Navy captain from Virginia Beach, said he appreciated Webb's observations.

    ``What I like about Webb is that he's been there, he knows what he's talking about,'' he said.
     
  3. MacBeth

    MacBeth Member

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    That's so strange...As I understand it, resident experts have stated categorically that there is absolutely no comparison between the two. Clearly this Webb fellow is stupid, naive, and the victim of a screwed up education...
     
  4. rimrocker

    rimrocker Member

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    Not that this means anything, but I find it interesting nonetheless:

    During the first 5 years of Vietnam (1961-1965), there was an average of 373 US deaths per year.

    After that, we averaged 8,520 deaths over the next five years.

    We're now at 302 and counting for our first year in Iraq.

    (These do not include non-combat deaths.)
     
  5. treeman

    treeman Member

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    Eek! It's Vietnam all over again! The sky is falling!!!

    (a more thorough analysis will be forthcoming when time permits)
     
  6. treeman

    treeman Member

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    OK, just a little bit for now:

    1) Terrain is totally different. No real need to explain.

    2) The North Vietnamese government was at no time overthrown and ejected from power during that war. Saddam lost his government in three weeks.

    3) The North Vietnamese had the luxury of two large and powerful backers (USSR and China) giving them weapons and cash, while Saddam has no one at all to give him weapons and cash. Well, a little help from Al Qaeda, those guys he has no connection with.

    4) Saddam has also lost the luxury of having an entire country as a safe haven, something which allowed the NV to survive for nearly three decades.

    5) The North Vietnamese had the support of the people, Saddam has the hatred of his.

    6) There are maybe 5,000 to 10,000 Baathists and Al Qaeda fighters/foreigners inside Iraq. The NVA had close to a million men, and the VC many more.

    7) There is no superpower balancing us against Saddam. No USSR protecting him from our full wrath.

    8) We could afford to withdraw from Vietnam. We cannot afford to withdraw from Iraq (sorry glynch).

    9) We have already captured or killed over half of Saddam's former regime, the people who would lead the fight. At no time did we ever decapitate the North Vietnamese.

    10) No need to go into detail about the vast disparity in technology, manpower, or political capital we have over Saddam. Compare disparity to the situation in Vietnam...

    You can compare anything, Macbeth. That does not mean that it is a good comparison.

    No, he's just promoting his new book. On Vietnam, what a coincidence...
     
  7. rimrocker

    rimrocker Member

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    I'm looking forward to it. While you're at it, could you please give me your opinion on the situational awareness of the civilian leadership for each war and how that compares to what the folks on the ground are seeing and experiencing? I'd also like to hear what you say about the political/idealogical influences on the fdecision making processes.

    Thanks,

    rr
     
  8. treeman

    treeman Member

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    I will address that later (excellent question/issue, BTW). But I really must sleep. Remind me later if I forget to respons to it.
     
  9. Timing

    Timing Member

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    I remember seeing a 60 Minutes interview with this al-Hakim guy prior to the war and he looked like bad news for the US. He had his sights on a leadership type role in Iraq to create his own religious state. I suppose now that he's out of the picture, civil war isn't exactly much better news.
     
  10. glynch

    glynch Member

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    NAJAF, Iraq -- A member of the U.S.-picked governing council angrily denounced the American occupation in a eulogy for his slain brother before 400,000 Shiite mourners Tuesday, demanding U.S. troops leave Iraq and blaming them for lax security that led to the revered cleric's assassination.

    I know war proponents will say everything is going well; Just a bump in the road before we install a democracy that will welcome our permanent military bases, control of their oil through Halliburton and a few other Anglo-American energy and construction companies, support for ISraeli annexation of at least the most desireable parts of the West Bank etc. .

    Can't the Neocons abandon this fantasy now that we have had their war? Do they actually believe this stuff?

    url
     
  11. Mr. Clutch

    Mr. Clutch Member

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    Glynch, do you think we should abandon the whole war on terror or just Iraq? Do you put scare quotes around the phrase 'war on terror'?
     
  12. glynch

    glynch Member

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    Mr. Clutch, no we should not abandon our efforts against terrorism. "The war on terror" is a pr phrase developed by Bush/Aschcroft to justify a lot of things. some of which are stupid and some of which decrease the freedom of Americans. It is sort of like "the War on Drugs" meaningless in itself.

    BTW I'm not advocating terror or drug abuse.

    As far as Iraq, the following article seems about right.
    *************************
    Facing the truth about Iraq
    By James Carroll, 9/2/2003

    THE WAR IS LOST. By most measures of what the Bush administration forecast for its adventure in Iraq, it is already a failure. The war was going to make the Middle East a more peaceful place. It was going to undercut terrorism. It was going to show the evil dictators of the world that American power is not to be resisted. It was going to improve the lives of ordinary Iraqis. It was going to stabilize oil markets. The American army was going to be greeted with flowers. None of that happened. The most radical elements of various fascist movements in the Arab world have been energized by the invasion of Iraq. The American occupation is a rallying point for terrorists. Instead of undermining extremism, Washington has sponsored its next phase, and now moderates in every Arab society are more on the defensive than ever.

    ADVERTISEMENT
    Before the war, the threat of America's overwhelming military dominance could intimidate, but now such force has been shown to be extremely limited in what it can actually accomplish. For the sake of "regime change," the United States brought a sledge hammer down on Iraq, only to profess surprise that, even as Saddam Hussein remains at large, the structures of the nation's civil society are in ruins. The humanitarian agencies necessary to the rebuilding of those structures are fleeing Iraq.

    The question for Americans is, Now what? Democrats and Republicans alike want to send in more US soldiers. Some voices are raised in the hope that the occupation can be more fully "internationalized," which remains unlikely while Washington retains absolute control. But those who would rush belligerent reinforcements to Iraq are making the age-old mistake.

    When brutal force generates resistance, the first impulse is to increase force levels. But, as the history of conflicts like this shows, that will result only in increased resistance. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld has rejected the option of more troops for now, but, in the name of force-protection, the pressures for escalation will build as US casualties mount. The present heartbreak of one or two GI deaths a day will seem benign when suicide bombers, mortar shells, or even heavier missile fire find their ways into barracks and mess halls.

    Either reinforcements will be sent to the occupation, or present forces will loosen the restraints with which they reply to provocation. Both responses will generate more bloodshed and only postpone the day when the United States must face the truth of its situation.

    The Bush administration's hubristic foreign policy has been efficiently exposed as based on nothing more than hallucination. High-tech weaponry can kill unwilling human beings, but it cannot force them to embrace an unwanted idea. As rekindled North Korean and Iranian nuclear programs prove, Washington's rhetoric of "evil" is as self-defeating as it is self-delusional. No one could have predicted a year ago that the fall from the Bush high horse of American Empire would come so hard and so quickly. Where are the comparisons with Rome now? The rise and fall of imperial Washington took not hundreds of years, but a few hundred days.

    Sooner or later, the United States must admit that it has made a terrible mistake in Iraq, and it must move quickly to undo it. That means the United States must yield not only command of the occupation force, but participation in it. The United States must renounce any claim to power or even influence over Iraq, including Iraqi oil. The United States must accept the humiliation that would surely accompany its being replaced in Iraq by the very nations it denigrated in the build-up to the war.

    With the United States thus removed from the Iraqi crucible, those who have rallied to oppose the great Satan will loose their raison d'etre, and the Iraqi people themselves can take responsibility for rebuilding their wrecked nation.

    All of this might seem terribly unlikely today, but something like it is inevitable. The only question is whether it happens over the short term, as the result of responsible decision-making by politicians in Washington, or over the long term, as the result of a bloody and unending horror.

    The so-called "lessons" of Vietnam are often invoked by hawks and doves alike, but here is one that applies across the political spectrum. The American people saw that that war was lost in January 1968, even as the Tet Offensive was heralded as a victory by the Pentagon and the White House. But for five more years, Washington refused to face the truth of its situation, until at last it had no choice.

    Because American leaders could not admit the nation's mistake, and move to undo it, hundreds of thousands of people died, or was it millions? The war in Iraq is lost. What will it take to face that truth this time? James Carroll's column appears regularly in the Globe.

    © Copyright 2003 Globe Newspaper Company.

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  13. HayesStreet

    HayesStreet Member

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    I have no idea why it would be humiliating for the US to let the UN now to help with reconstruction in Iraq. We've already accomplished the goals we intervened for: we removed a ruthless genocidal dictator, we removed a state regime that sponsored terrorism, and we removed a WMD threat. With those FACTS in mind its laughable for this guy to declare 'the war is lost' and make comparisons to Vietnam.

    Further, this type of rhetoric is hardly productive. It will more likely drive 'neo-cons' away from the compromise on issues like UN involvement rather than towards it. Is the intervention in Iraq something that can be described as a complete and utterly perfect success? Of course not. Is it a success? You're damn skippy it is. Are we worse off or are the people of Iraq worse off now than before the intervention? Hell no.
     
    #13 HayesStreet, Sep 2, 2003
    Last edited by a moderator: Sep 2, 2003
  14. glynch

    glynch Member

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    Hayes, go for it. Declare victory and withdraw. I can go for that.
    Dubya declared the war over; you declare all objectives met.

    I guess you can argue: that we eliminated wmd since there weren't any found.

    that we kept Sadam from cavorting with Al Qaeda, since we didn't find a connection.

    that we freed all those little Iraqis, and besides all the thousands who died so far and will continue to die in the chaos that our war created , is less than the deaths caused by Sadam orless than the deaths caused by our continuing sanctions.

    Hey even appoint a council and declare Iraq on the road to democracy, too, while you're at it. That's cool.

    Besides if it doesn't all quite work out, you can always blame it all on the peace movement, or blame the UN for objecting to the war in the first place. You can also blame the UN for failing to clean up the mess after they take it over.
     
    #14 glynch, Sep 2, 2003
    Last edited: Sep 2, 2003
  15. HayesStreet

    HayesStreet Member

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    Poor Glynch. So predictable, so misguided. I'll take these one by one.

    I argue we removed a WMD threat. EVERY international actor agreed there was a WMD threat. EVERY SINGLE ONE. Now there isn't. Everyone agreed Saddam would continue to drive for nukes until he had them. EVERYONE. Now he won't. Strike one.

    Did I say Al Queda? Don't think so. I'm on record as saying there was not convincing evidence of such a connection. I said we removed a regime that sponsored terrorism. Is that a FACT? 100%, baby. Strike two...

    'Our' sanctions? Gee, I thought those were the ever-lovin' peace and joy huggin UN's sanctions. Am I wrong about that? I thought sanctions were an 'alternative' to war and part of the 'containment' policy that we should have continued instead of removing the regime? Yes. The Iraqis are far better off now than before the intervention. Far fewer Iraqis have been killed as a result of the intervention than were killed, or would have been killed by Saddam's regime. At least you got one fact straight.

    Strike three. Next batter.
     
  16. Friendly Fan

    Friendly Fan PinetreeFM60 Exposed

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    here's a related article from the NYT

    Empire of Novices
    By MAUREEN DOWD


    ASHINGTON

    The Bush foreign policy team always had contempt for Bill Clinton's herky-jerky, improvised interventions around the world. When it took control, it promised a global stewardship purring with gravity, finesse and farsightedness.

    But now the Bush "dream team" is making the impetuous Clinton look like Rommel.

    When your aim is remaking the Middle East, you don't want to get stuck making it up as you go along.

    Even officials with a combined century of international experience can behave with jejeunosity — if they start believing their own spin.

    The group that started out presuming it could shape the world is now getting shoved by the world.

    Our unseen tormentors are the ones who seem canny and organized, not us. As they move from killing individual U.S. soldiers and Iraqis to sabotaging power plants, burning oil pipelines, blowing up mosques, demolishing the U.N. headquarters and now hitting the Baghdad police headquarters, our enemies seem better prepared and more committed to creating chaos in Iraq — and Afghanistan — than we are to creating order.

    They've also proved more adept at putting together an effective coalition than the Bush team: a terrifying blend of terrorists from other countries, Al Qaeda and Ansar al-Islam fighters, radical Shiites and Saddam remnants, all pouring into Iraq and united by their hatred of America.

    If we review the Bush war council's motives for conquering Iraq, the scorecard looks grim:

    • We wanted to get rid of Osama and Saddam and the Taliban and Al Qaeda. We didn't. They're replicating and coming at us like cockroaches. According to Newsweek, Osama is in the mountains of Afghanistan, plotting to use biological weapons against America. If all those yuppies can climb Mount Everest, at 29,000 feet, can't we pay some locals to nab Osama at 14,000 feet?

    • Bushies thought freeing Iraq from Saddam would be the first step toward the Middle East road map for peace, as well as a guarantee of greater security for Israel. But the road map blew up, and Israel seems farther away from making peace with the Arabs than ever. The U.S. has now pathetically called on Yasir Arafat to use his power to help after pretending for more than a year that he didn't exist.

    • Rummy wanted to exorcise the stigma of Vietnam and prove you could use a lighter, faster force. But our adventures in Iraq and Afghanistan may not banish our fears of being mired in a place halfway around the world where we don't understand the language or culture, and where our stretched-thin soldiers are picked off, guerrilla-style.

    • The neocons wanted to marginalize the wimpy U.N. by barreling past it into Iraq. Now the Bush administration is crawling back to the U.N., but other nations are suspicious of U.S. security and politics in Iraq.

    • Dick Cheney and Rummy wanted to blow off multilateralism and snub what Bushies call "the chocolate-making countries": France, Germany, Belgium and Luxembourg. But faced with untold billions in costs and mounting casualties in Iraq and Afghanistan, Americans are beginning to see the advantages of sidekicks that know the perils of empire.

    • The Pentagon wanted to sideline the C.I.A. and State and run the war and reconstruction itself. Now, overwhelmed, the Pentagon's special operations chiefs were reduced to screening a 1965 movie, "The Battle of Algiers," last week, as David Ignatius reported in The Washington Post, to try to learn why the French suffered a colonial disaster in a guerrilla war against Muslims in Algiers.

    • The neocons hoped democracy in Iraq would spread like a fever in the Mideast, even among our double-dealing friends like Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. But after the majestic handoff of democracy to the 25-member Iraqi Governing Council, it seems the puppets (now nervous about bodyguards) don't even want to work late, much less govern. As one aide told The Times, "On the Council, someone makes a suggestion, then it goes around the room, with everyone talking about it, and then by that time, it's late afternoon and time to go home."

    • The vice president wanted to banish that old 60's feeling of moral ambivalence, of America in the wrong. Our unilateral move in Iraq, with the justifications on W.M.D. and Qaeda links to Saddam getting shakier each month, has made us more hated around the world than ever.
     
  17. glynch

    glynch Member

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    I agree with Deckard the sentence by sentence quote and attack method leads at times to silliness with spurrious seeming accuracy.

    The war was sold on the basis of Iraq being an immediate threat, wmd and tangible connections to Al Qaeda or terrorism directed at the US. Now we change the goals so that it can be declared a success. Perhaps Hayes goals were diferent than most of the war supporters, but so what?
    **********
    Originally posted by Hayes

    I argue we removed a WMD threat. EVERY international actor agreed there was a WMD threat. EVERY SINGLE ONE. Now there isn't. Everyone agreed Saddam would continue to drive for nukes until he had them. EVERYONE. Now he won't. Strike one.

    *******
    Disagree. This is the reason the vast majority of the world was against your war. It was widely thought that if he had any wmd they were fairly insignificant and not a real THREAT to the world. The chief UN nuclear weapons inspector didn't think he had nukes. Inspectors like Scott Ritter said no and were proven right.

    Interestingly you follow the current Bush spin that who cares about real wmd? He could always make some in the future.

    In addition, you should admit that you were wrong, even if many others fell for the neocon spin, also. Perhaps, then, in the future you will be less likely to see a 'clear and present danger" around the corner in every part of the world requiring a military solution.

    (I guess we're imitating Jorge.) Point, .


    Hayes Quote:
    Did I say Al Queda? Don't think so. I'm on record as saying there was not convincing evidence of such a connection. I said we removed a regime that sponsored terrorism.

    ************
    The war was sold on the basis that Iraq was a serious threat to the US because it sponsored terrorism that threatened the US. Now it is suffcient if it had ANY support for terrorism. I disagree largely. The CIA said that it was very unlikely that Iraq was sponsoring terrorism against the US. Show me your best proof.

    Game.


    Hayes Quote:
    'Our' sanctions? Gee, I thought those were the ever-lovin' peace and joy huggin UN's sanctions. Am I wrong about that?
    **************
    Yep, the US strenuously resisted all attempts by the majority of the UN members for at least 7 or 8 years when it became clear how many kids were dying. Do you deny this? Even Cheney was trying when he worked for Halliburton and wanted to court Iraqi favors. The US browbeat the UN into continuing the sanctions. Do you deny this?

    Set.

    Quote:
    Far fewer Iraqis have been killed as a result of the intervention than were killed, or would have been killed by Saddam's regime.
    ***********
    Maybe yes. Maybe no. We have killed thousands of Iraqis so far. Hundreds are dying in the current violence. There is no telling how many will be killed if a civil war breaks out as was widely expected by even Bush I and Powell, when he was the house serveant for Bush I.

    In addition I don't think we should justify our actions by saying "well at least our actions will probably lead to fewer deaths than Sadam caused in the past and we project in the future".

    Match..


    __________________
     
  18. HayesStreet

    HayesStreet Member

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    Uh, so what? Nice way to dismiss my arguments, lol. I have always argued the war was justified for three reasons: (a) to remove a genocidal dictator, (b) to remove a WMD threat, (c) to stop a state sponsor of terrorism - although I never supported the Al Queda connections being made by the administration.

    Where are we now? We've removed the genocidal dictator, removed the WMD threat, removed the state sponsor of terrorism. Sounds like success to me, but you go spin like a top glynch.

    **********
    Originally posted by Hayes

    I argue we removed a WMD threat. EVERY international actor agreed there was a WMD threat. EVERY SINGLE ONE. Now there isn't. Everyone agreed Saddam would continue to drive for nukes until he had them. EVERYONE. Now he won't. Strike one.

    *******
    Interesting mix of arguments. Mix and match, mix and match. The UN thought he had WMD, even if not nukes. My argument is not now, nor has it ever been that he HAD nukes, but that everyone believed he had other WMD, and that he would continue to drive for nukes until he got them. No one disputes that except you. If you are right and the 'majority of the world' believed he didn't have WMD then why were they supporting sanctions or inspections in the first place? And your basis for that is what?

    I have always contended the greatest threat was Saddam acquiring nukes. Check out past threads (although you've already seen them). This is not some fresh 'spin,' its the facts.

    I will certainly admit I thought they would have found significant WMD facilities/stores etc, and they haven't. That, however, does not change the FACT that the CONSENSUS clearly felt he did, and that Saddam himself encouraged this belief. Nor does it change the concern that he would acquire nukes, which you dismiss but with no reasonable argument.

    As for future military intervention, not finding WMD really doesn't affect my advocacy at all. In the future if it is reasonable to believe a dangerous dictator (a) has WMD of one kind or another, and/or (b) has a drive to acquire the worse of WMD - nukes, and/or (c) is genocidal, and/or (d) is a state sponsor of terrorism...then I have no problems using the military as a solution to the problem if other remedies seem less likely to succeed.

    I would continue with the quips but your comparison with Jorge sent a chill up the spine. I'll stop even though I've been gravely insulted ;).

    Hayes Quote:
    Did I say Al Queda? Don't think so. I'm on record as saying there was not convincing evidence of such a connection. I said we removed a regime that sponsored terrorism.

    ************
    It has always been sufficient that he was a genocidal dictator and we had the power to remove him. It has always been sufficient that he was a WMD threat. It has always been sufficient that Saddam's regime, BY ITS OWN ADMISSION, was a state sponsor of terrorism. Do you dispute this? As I NEVER used the Al Queda connection in my advocacy of the war, I certainly don't have to start defending such a connection NOW, lol. And I must admit I find your advocacy of the CIA's competance most amusing...

    Hayes Quote:
    'Our' sanctions? Gee, I thought those were the ever-lovin' peace and joy huggin UN's sanctions. Am I wrong about that?
    **************
    Ah, so the US controls the UN but does not control the UN? The UN is the solution but its not because the US controls UN policy? Spin, spin, little top. Do you deny you argued for continuing containment instead of intervening? Do you deny 'containment' necessarily must involve limiting access to resources, ie 'sanctions.' Do you deny that Saddam could have allowed resources to reach to people, including the children you so heartbreakingly allude to? Do you deny that Saddam is no longer a barrier to resources reaching the children? Finally, do you deny the US has lead the movement to remove sanctions on Iraq now that Saddam has been deposed, and that other nations like France and Russia have resisted? Where does that leave your argument?

    Quote:
    Far fewer Iraqis have been killed as a result of the intervention than were killed, or would have been killed by Saddam's regime.
    ***********
    Saddam was in the millions with no end in sight. There simply is no comparison.

    Interesting. You scold me for projecting and then do it yourself. We can revisit this if millions die in a civil war, although I'll tell you now that you seem to be justifying dictatorial rule for the sake of stability, something many of our Chinese posters would agree with, but that I would not.

    I don't know how you think policy is made, but weighing the impact of inaction vs action seems to be the most prudent way of doing things. We are better off now that Saddam has been removed. Iraqis are better off now that Saddam has been removed. As I've said before, seems like success to me.

    In addition, you completely conceed my arguments that you are not being productive. If you really want to affect change with your voice, you should be encouraging the administration, and their supporters, on their move to get the UN involved. But you are not. You are gloating that your position for inaction is somehow justified by that movement. How is that productive?
     
  19. glynch

    glynch Member

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    I have always contended the greatest threat was Saddam acquiring nukes Hayes.

    That is why you should feel duped by the neocons and question your support for the war..


    It has always been sufficient that he was a genocidal dictator and we had the power to remove him. Hayes

    So it doesn't matter that it seems he wasn't trying to acquire nukes in recent years? Now we have another reason. Please explain why we don't invade all the genocidal dictators?

    Ah, so the US controls the UN but does not control the UN? The UN is the solution but its not because the US controls UN policy?

    This statement is somewhat confusing, but I'll try. No the US does not always get its way with the UN. Thank God it has some independence and therefore credibility left in the worldwide community. The US prevailed on the coninuation of the murderous sanctions. The US lost when trying to get authorization for the latest war. The US is trying to get the US to clean up the mess, though it wants to reserve all commercial profits and control for itself with a bone to British Petroleum and Britain. It is important for the future of mankind that the UN regain its credibility and not be seen as LARGELY under US domination. The UN Sanctions for instance have caused much loss of credibility for the UN with Arabs and Muslims.



    I would continue with the quips but your comparison with Jorge sent a chill up the spine. I'll stop even though I've been gravely insulted . Hayes.

    I was referring to your "strike one", strike two" terminology, though Jorge prefers tennis analogies, such as" point, set, match "not baseball. Otherwise no comparisons with TJ, except forbeing wrong on this war, implied.:)
     
  20. HayesStreet

    HayesStreet Member

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    I have always contended the greatest threat was Saddam acquiring nukes Hayes.

    Uh, no. My point, as I have spelled out numerous times, is that as long as Saddam was in power he would be trying to obtain nukes. Many have made the point that although they acknowledged this, there was no sufficient evidence that he was close (timewise) to achieving this, and therefore they didn't support the war. For me that argument seemed largely irrelevant. Once we acknowledge he was going to continue to try and acquire them until he was successful, the threat became inevitable, therefore removing that threat was justified.


    It has always been sufficient that he was a genocidal dictator and we had the power to remove him. Hayes

    These are certainly independent reasons to remove Saddam, yes. This is where I diverged from the administration. As MacBeth and other pointed out, the administration offered NOT to remove him if he allowed full inspections - proving somewhat the point that Saddam committing genocide was not the main reason for the action. I have always argued his being genocidal was justification enough to remove him.

    I actually explained this in-depth in FB's thread about why this reason (stopping genocide) was enough to remove Saddam. Some totalitarian regimes are simply to large and powerful to remove. The PRC is a classic example of this. It is simply infeasible that we could invade the PRC and remove the government. Some regimes we have other ways to influence, again like the PRC, where our economic ties help create conditions for economic and then political liberalization. In some cases military action would more than likely fail, such as in North Korea, where the regime very well may torch the whole Korean peninsula on the way out, and Japan with it - destroying more innocents than it could possibly save. In some cases there is a good chance of the US influencing regime change without intervention, or at least regime transition. The regimes in Central Asia come to mind, where we have some influence with regimes that both want to be our allies and want to engage in the world economy.

    In Iraq none of these were possibilities. There is no other great power in the area. The US, and the UN for that matter, had no chance of influencing a regime transition. There apparently was no other actor willing to remove Saddam, except for the 50 countries that joined the coalition that removed him. Just as in Bosnia the UN refused to act and there was no likelihood of the situation resolving itself. Therefore removing Saddam was justified.

    Ah, so the US controls the UN but does not control the UN? The UN is the solution but its not because the US controls UN policy?

    Interesting how you avoid the question put straight to you. Wasn't your position that we should continue the 'containment' policy? That the Status Quo was 'working' and hence war was unnecessary? Doesn't this also implicate you in the sanctions, since containment necessarily requires sanctions? How do you deal with the FACT that the US moved to lift sanctions and 'the rest of the world,' as you put it, moved to block the lifting of the sanctions?

    And again I see no answer from you about the FACTS:

    -that UN policy was doing nothing to remove a genocidal dictator.
    -that you justify genocide in the name of stability.
    -that you are both revolted by the CIA and enamoured with them.
    -that we have removed a state sponsor of terrorism.
    -that you are being completely unproductive by criticising the administration whether they seek to act unilaterally or through the UN.

    I would continue with the quips but your comparison with Jorge sent a chill up the spine. I'll stop even though I've been gravely insulted . Hayes.

    Phew. I was pretty scared there for a minute :D
     

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